The deadly Israeli invasion of Jenin on July 3 was not a surprise. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Also, unsurprising is the fact that the killing of 12 Palestinians, wounding of 120 more and the destruction of nearly 80 percent of the Jenin Refugee Camp\u2019s homes and infrastructure will not make an iota of a difference. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Even Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, despite his lofty promises of destroying the \u201csafe haven … of the terrorist enclave in Jenin\u201d, must have known that his bloody exercise was ultimately futile. <\/p>\n\n\n\n
Indeed, as the Israeli military machine was toppling homes, smashing cars and harvesting lives, several Palestinian retaliatory attacks were reported, including in Tel Aviv<\/a>, on July 4, and in the Kedumim<\/a> illegal settlement on July 6.<\/p>\n\n\n\n In fact, unlike the Israeli response to the Second Palestinian Uprising (Intifada) of 2000, extreme violence will not weaken, but heighten Palestinian Resistance and counter attacks. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Back then, the Palestinian Authority had a degree of control over Palestinian groups and managed, although with great difficulties, to contain the Palestinian street.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Now, the PA has no such leverage. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Indeed, when a delegation of PA officials visited Jenin on July 5, to show \u2018solidarity\u2019 and to promise help in the recovery efforts, Jenin residents kicked<\/a> the officials out of their camp. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Thus, neither did Israel manage to regain any kind of control over Jenin, nor did the PA succeed in reinventing itself as the savior of the people. <\/p>\n\n\n\n So, what was the point of all of this? <\/p>\n\n\n\n Writing in Haaretz, Zvi Bar’el linked<\/a> the whole Jenin operation, dubbed \u2018House and Garden\u2019, to Netanyahu\u2019s \u201closs of political control\u201d over his government; in fact, the whole country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n It was \u201ca showy operation\u201d, Bar\u2019el wrote, and \u201cno sensible person in the army or the Shin Bet security service, or even in the silent circles of the right, actually believed that the operation would eradicate\u201d the armed resistance, not only in Jenin, but anywhere throughout the West Bank. <\/p>\n\n\n\n A \u2018showy operation\u2019, indeed, and the best proof of that is the language emanating from official Israeli sources, lead among them Netanyahu himself. <\/p>\n\n\n\n The politically, but also legally embattled rightwing Israeli leader bragged<\/a> about his army\u2019s \u201ccomprehensive action\u201d, carried out in \u201cvery systemic way … from the ground, from the air (and) with superb intelligence.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n He vowed to \u201creturn to Jenin\u201d if \u201cJenin returns to terror\u201d, and this \u201cwill happen much faster and with much greater power than what people might imagine.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n Tel Aviv\u2019s Minister of Defense, Yoav Gallant, also spoke<\/a> about the military\u2019s \u201csuccess\u201d, in \u201cdeal(ing) a heavy blow to the terror organizations in Jenin\u201d, and recording \u201cimpressive operational achievements.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n But none of this hyped language is true. What Israel refers to as \u2018terror organizations\u2019 in Jenin is part of a much larger phenomenon of armed Resistance, itself an outcome of an even larger movement of popular resistance that is felt in every corner of Occupied Palestine. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Quelling the rebellion is not a question of firepower. To the contrary, Israel\u2019s \u2018impressive operational achievement\u2019 has simply poured fuel on a raging fire. <\/p>\n\n\n\n To distract from his mounting problems, and to keep his hardline coalitions of far-right politicians and their popular base of illegal Jewish settlers happy, Netanyahu has done the most foolish thing. He has simply turned a potential armed rebellion in Palestine to an imminent West Bank-wide revolution. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Unlike the Second Intifada, neither Israel nor the PA has any leverage over the new generation of Palestinian resisters. They are neither moved by false promises of a state, of jobs, of international funds, nor seem to fear threats of detention, torture or even death. <\/p>\n\n\n\n To the contrary, the greater the violence Israel metes out against Palestinians, the more emboldened they become. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Any examination of the political discourse of this new Palestinian generation, including that of social media, demonstrates a degree of fearlessness that is truly unprecedented. <\/p>\n\n\n\n This courage can be attributed in part to Gaza, whose ongoing resistance<\/a>, despite the siege and horrific wars in the last two decades have greatly impacted the youth of the West Bank. <\/p>\n\n\n\n And, while PA President, Mahmoud Abbas, and his Palestinian enemies engaged in a protracted charade of \u2018national unity talks\u2019 and \u2018power sharing\u2019, the new generation operated entirely independent from these superficial and insincere slogans. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Though they were mostly born or matured after the signing of the Oslo accords<\/a> in 1993, they perceive the political language and culture of that era as alien to them. <\/p>\n\n\n\n It is as if two different Palestines exist – one of Abbas, Fatah, factions, Oslo, donors\u2019 money, \u2018peace process\u2019 and dirty politics and another of united Resistance<\/a> on the ground, sumoud<\/em> (steadfastness), Gaza, Jenin, Nablus, Lions\u2019 Den and more. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Neither Netanyahu and Gallant, nor Abbas and his PA allies seem to understand, nor are willing to understand this historical shift in political discourses, cultures and language. <\/p>\n\n\n\n They are disinterested in the cultural shift simply because it does not serve the status quo, which has served them well. Netanyahu wants to stay in power as long as possible; Gallant wants to demonstrate his military prowess – for the sake of running for a higher office in the future – and Abbas wants to keep whatever share of power and money allocated to him. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Perhaps, at a deeper level, they all understand that what worked in the past – more violence in the case of Israel and more financial bribes and corruption in the case of the PA, will not work in the present. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Yet, they are likely to stay the course simply because they are weak, desperate and have no long-term visions, let alone real understanding of what is transpiring in Palestine now. <\/p>\n\n\n\n In some ways, it is a generational problem, and a conflict. <\/p>\n\n\n\n